If the threats of Donald Trump prove anything, it is that the mantra of “shared values” with his administration is as much use as a chocolate teapot. Countries across the world are scrambling to adjust. Canada has announced a trade realignment towards China – and talk grows of counter-sanctions in Europe. If the UK wants to avoid being caught in the crossfire, there really is only one alternative: to finally take the brakes off rebuilding our common future in Europe.
In the past few weeks, Nato has suffered life-changing injuries. This should not be surprising, given the repeated signals from Washington, from the anti-European screed in Trump’s National Security Strategy to the harassment of President Zelenskyy at the White House. When someone shows you who they are, believe them the first time and act accordingly.
There is no easy solution – but, as ever, there are always ways to make a bad situation worse. Green party leader Zack Polanski, for example, demands we get ready to evict US bases from British soil, and says the UK should “ditch Trident – and fast.” He claims this could be done without undermining Ukraine or Nato, while still standing up to “Putin’s imperial ambitions”. But in reality, an emotional response to the US will do little to stop Trump dealing with Russia over the Ukrainians’ heads. Scrapping Trident is the precise opposite of what our European allies want or need. It abandons a key part of our commitment to their security as well as our own, and leaves Putin with only the French nuclear arsenal to contend with, should his ambitions spread further across Europe. What may sound bold in the echo chamber of the Greens’ social media would not survive the stark reality of the horrified response to unilateral British disarmament from our German or Polish counterparts.
Yet progressives’ biggest mistake would be to think that the pressure on Europe comes from Trump alone. Back in 2011, dismayed by Europe’s inability to sustain fighting in Libya, Barack Obama’s defence secretary Robert Gates warned that Americans would lose patience if Europeans didn’t spend more on defence. It is the size and shape of the Chinese military and the prospect of a war in Asia – not Russia, and defending Europe – that drives thinking in Washington, among Democrats as well as Republicans. Even if a future administration was less erratic or more collegial, this fundamental realignment will not change.
Keir Starmer and Donald Trump at the Sharm El Sheikh peace summit, Egypt, 13 October 2025. Photograph: Suzanne Plunkett/PA
On its own, the UK has limited resources and political bandwidth to withstand bullying from any direction, let alone from its allies. The very core of its defence strategy, on nuclear weapons and intelligence, is primarily intertwined with the US. The UK has already reportedly promised a contingent of up to 7,500 troops to monitor a hypothetical peace in Ukraine – but even deploying that number would be stretching the British army to its limits.
The conclusion is inescapable: now is the time for the UK to reinforce, not wreck Europe’s security relationships, both through the European pillar of Nato and through cooperation with the EU. That means developing its own military capabilities as the US pulls back, as well as exploring a UK role in potential decision-making bodies such as a European security council. Labour should lead the charge for these new alliances and roles, not wait to be dragged into making them. Not only does Britain face tariffs, the US is also demanding it bends to their trade standards, and so diverge further from Europe. Capitulating to this would be a form of self-harm at a time when Trump is proving how little worth his past promises of a trade deal carry.
For years, Brexiters have behaved as though defence and trade were two separate issues. Trump has proved that wrong by using economic sanctions to pursue his own national security ambitions – so the UK should join the dots between its security and post-Brexit trading arrangements.
This is not a moment to be half-hearted about our national interest – not least because the UK’s allies in Europe know how to play hardball too. It was mind-boggling to see the European Commission, egged on by some of our closest allies, asking for a huge sum for the UK to join the Security Action for Europe scheme (Safe) to fund joint EU defence projects, a stance that led to the UK backing away. But the status quo won’t do. We must break the cycle of posturing, and urgently resume the Safe talks for the benefit of all concerned.
And the UK should go further. A customs union is not a serious offer, in these circumstances, for addressing how trade can be weaponised against us. Labour should be open to renegotiating all barriers to cooperation – including integration with the single market in a Swiss-style deal.
It’s tempting to be cautious and hope things will blow over, but true progressive politics compels a bolder approach. While others see electoral opportunity in deriding Nato or fixating on Trump, the security of our constituents compels us to get real and bold on the EU reset. The UK cannot play at being an economic rival to the EU while the machinations of Trump, Putin and Xi require us to be the closest of strategic allies. The UK’s future with Europe is its future national security. That’s the reality we must now embrace.
