\n<\/p>\n
This article was produced for ProPublica\u2019s Local Reporting Network in partnership with Arizona Luminaria. Sign up for Dispatches to get our stories in your inbox every week.<\/p>\n
\n These highlights were written by the reporters and editors who worked on this story. \n <\/p>\n Manuel Nieto Jr. and his sister had just pulled into a gas station to buy cigarettes and Gatorade when he noticed a sheriff\u2019s deputy standing over two Latino men on the ground.<\/p>\n Their north Phoenix neighborhood was on alert. Sheriff\u2019s deputies had been targeting day-labor centers in the area and making traffic stops \u2014 arresting people who couldn\u2019t prove their immigration status. They had one thing in common: They looked Latino.<\/p>\n \u201cNo diga nada. P\u00eddale un abogado,\u201d Nieto\u2019s sister, Velia Meraz, yelled to the detained men, according to court testimony. (\u201cDon\u2019t say anything. Ask for an attorney.\u201d)<\/p>\n The deputy warned Nieto and Meraz: \u201cYou need to get out of here, now.\u201d<\/p>\n Nieto drove around the corner to his dad\u2019s auto repair shop as another deputy on a motorcycle followed him, siren and lights on, and patrol vehicles swarmed. Deputies approached \u2014 guns drawn.<\/p>\n Nieto dialed 911 for help: Officers were harassing him, he would later testify in court. One pulled Nieto from his vehicle. Others pinned him to the ground and handcuffed him.<\/p>\n Nieto\u2019s father came running from his shop.<\/p>\n \u201cLet my children go,\u201d Manuel Nieto Sr. said. \u201cThey\u2019re U.S. citizens. What did they do wrong?\u201d<\/p>\n The raid that ensnared Nieto Jr. and Meraz 17 years ago was carried out under a federal Immigration and Customs Enforcement program that grants local police powers to check immigration status during traffic stops and other routine encounters. The Maricopa County Sheriff\u2019s Office, under then-Sheriff Joe Arpaio, was among the first in the nation to test out ICE\u2019s 287(g) task force program.<\/p>\n Since President Donald Trump retook office in January, similar scenes of local officers joining in aggressive immigration arrests have multiplied as ICE has rapidly expanded the 287(g) task force program to deputize local police officers as de facto deportation agents.<\/p>\n Moments after Manuel Nieto Sr. stormed out of his north Phoenix auto shop, the deputies left without arresting or citing his children. But Nieto Jr. and Meraz didn\u2019t move on. They joined three other county residents in suing the sheriff\u2019s office, accusing deputies of targeting them solely because they were Latino.<\/p>\n A federal judge agreed that the task force\u2019s traffic stops and raids on Hispanic neighborhoods, day-labor centers and other businesses had violated Latinos\u2019 civil and constitutional rights. Even after the ruling, the judge found Arpaio continued to detain people based solely on suspected civil immigration violations.<\/p>\n The U.S. Department of Justice also conducted a civil rights investigation into the sheriff\u2019s office\u2019s discriminatory practices, and ICE ended Arpaio\u2019s 287(g) agreement. In 2012, ICE suspended all local police deportation task forces nationwide, only restarting them after Trump began his second term in January.<\/p>\n Many Arizonans who lived through Arpaio\u2019s 287(g)-fueled immigration-enforcement campaign see parallels between what happened in Maricopa County and what\u2019s now playing out across the country as local officers join forces with ICE. They also foresee costly troubles for local agencies that follow in Maricopa County\u2019s footsteps, including difficulty regaining the trust of Latino residents whose constitutional rights are violated by local officers.<\/p>\n The White House and Immigration and Customs Enforcement did not respond to Arizona Luminaria and ProPublica\u2019s questions. <\/p>\n Arpaio told Arizona Luminaria and ProPublica that he became a target of political persecution for helping enforce immigration laws, which he saw as part of his job.<\/p>\n \u201cI\u2019d do it over again,\u201d Arpaio said. \u201cI tell everybody: I didn\u2019t do anything wrong. I had a federal court who was biased against me. And all they could get me out on was a contempt of court? Think of that.\u201d<\/p>\n Meanwhile, Maricopa County continues to reckon with its time allowing deputies to act as immigration officers.<\/p>\n Under a settlement agreement, the court mandated broad oversight of the sheriff\u2019s office and appointed a monitor to track its compliance. Since then, the law enforcement agency has been required to meticulously document all interactions with the public. In the 12 years since, the department has yet to convince the judge that its deputies don\u2019t racially profile Latino drivers and that it adequately investigates deputies\u2019 alleged misconduct.<\/p>\n Salvador Reza is a longtime community organizer who advocates for day laborers in Phoenix. He said his work put him in the crosshairs of Arpaio\u2019s immigration enforcement, leading to his arrest for obstruction during a protest. (The county declined to pursue charges against him.) Because of what happened in Maricopa County, he believes Latinos, including in the communities whose police departments have joined forces with ICE, are now more likely to be racially profiled.<\/p>\n \u201cAt that time, we were a laboratory,\u201d Reza said. \u201cThey did the experiment, and basically now they\u2019re implementing it at the national level.\u201d<\/p>\n Guadalupe, Arizona, where most residents are Latino or Native American, became one of Arpaio\u2019s targets for immigration enforcement, which escalated under a 287(g) task force agreement with Immigration and Customs Enforcement.<\/span><\/p>\n The lawsuit brought by Nieto Jr., Meraz and the other county residents became known as Melendres v. Arpaio \u2014 for Manuel de Jesus Melendres Ortega, a legal resident who was arrested in one of Arpaio\u2019s sweeps.<\/p>\n When U.S. District Judge G. Murray Snow certified it as a class-action suit in December 2011, he indicated racial profiling by the sheriff\u2019s office had been so widespread it could have violated the constitutional rights of any Latino in Maricopa County, one-third of the population.<\/p>\n The settlement contains 368 paragraphs outlining reforms. They range from creating a policy that bars racial profiling to developing a system that collects data on traffic stops to identify disparities in the race of motorists who are pulled over.<\/p>\n To end court oversight, the sheriff\u2019s office must be in \u201cfull and effective compliance\u201d with the reforms continuously for three years. The department currently complies with more than 90% of the requirements, according to the monitor, but falls short in the two areas that most directly impact Latino drivers: eliminating racial bias in traffic stops and quickly investigating allegations of deputy misconduct.<\/p>\n Snow found that traffic stops involving Latino drivers and passengers dragged on \u201cbeyond the time necessary to resolve the issue that initially justified the stop.\u201d<\/p>\n Ricardo Reyes said he repeatedly endured traffic stops as a young Latino growing up in the Maryvale neighborhood of west Phoenix, where three-quarters of the residents identify as Latino. He drove a nice car and believes deputies under Arpaio racially profiled him.<\/p>\n \u201cThey would ask me for my license, they take it and then, \u2018You\u2019re free to go,\u2019\u201d recalled Reyes, who leads an advocacy group for military veterans. \u201cWhy was I stopped? I never got an answer.\u201d<\/p>\n Snow\u2019s order requires deputies to document 13 data points for every traffic interaction, including when a stop began and ended, the reason for the stop, the driver\u2019s perceived race and whether the deputy inquired about immigration status.<\/p>\n The settlement overseen by U.S. District Judge G. Murray Snow includes hundreds of pages of reforms that the sheriff\u2019s office must implement, including developing a policy to bar racial profiling and to create a data collection system for traffic stops.<\/span><\/p>\n In a preliminary injunction, Snow wrote that sheriff\u2019s deputies, \u201cincluding officers associated with the special operations, circulated emails that compared Mexicans to dogs, ridiculed stereotypical Mexican accents, and portrayed Mexicans as drunks.\u201d<\/p>\n He singled out two of the deputies Nieto Jr. and Meraz encountered in north Phoenix for making arrests based on race during 287(g) operations. Roughly 77% of all arrests by the first deputy the siblings saw at the gas station had Hispanic surnames, the judge found. The deputy who pulled over Nieto Jr. arrested only Latinos during the operations he participated in.<\/p>\n Even more concerning to Snow was that Arpaio continued such operations as a matter of policy after ICE pulled its 287(g) agreement in 2009. In other words, deputies continued making immigration arrests without authority from the federal government. The judge said that violated constitutional protections against unreasonable search and seizures.<\/p>\n After Arpaio defied the order and refused to implement many of the reforms, Snow issued additional mandates in 2016. He also found Arpaio and three of his aides in civil contempt of court and referred all four to face criminal contempt charges, a misdemeanor. Another federal judge convicted only Arpaio of criminal contempt in 2017 and was set to sentence him to up to six months in jail. Two months before sentencing, Trump pardoned Arpaio. However, voters had already voted Arpaio out of office.<\/p>\n His successors have faced the same oversight and have not fully complied with the court\u2019s orders, according to the monitor\u2019s reports.<\/p>\n Kevin Johnson, an immigration law author and professor at the University of California, Davis School of Law who runs the Immigration Professor\u2019s Blog, said settlements related to discrimination and civil rights violations often take a long time to resolve. He pointed to the 28-year-old Flores settlement, which still dictates the federal government\u2019s treatment of children in border and immigration custody. \u201cThere may be complaints about the court monitoring, but the burden is on the leaders and the agencies to show that monitoring is no longer necessary,\u201d he said.<\/p>\n This January, newly elected Sheriff Jerry Sheridan, a Republican who had worked as Arpaio\u2019s second-in-command, inherited the Melendres settlement. He argues the department has made enough progress to end the judge\u2019s oversight.<\/p>\n Snow acknowledged recently in court that Sheridan and the Maricopa County Sheriff\u2019s Office had made significant gains. \u201cBut the areas where he\u2019s not in compliance are pretty important areas,\u201d he said.<\/p>\n The sheriff\u2019s office analyzes traffic stop data quarterly to identify deputies with notable disparities in who they stop. An outside auditor evaluates annually any departmentwide disparities.<\/p>\n The latest annual report shows improvements over the past decade, but also that deputies still arrest Latino drivers at higher rates than white drivers. Data from this past year also show that Black drivers, who are not covered by the Melendres settlement, face longer stop times and higher arrest rates. And all drivers of color are more likely to be searched than white drivers.<\/p>\n In addition, the sheriff\u2019s office acknowledged it has not investigated 640 deputy misconduct claims, some dating to 2015, according to the department\u2019s most recent court filing. Snow had ordered that the backlog be cleared to hold the sheriff\u2019s office more accountable after he found that Arpaio refused to implement many reforms.<\/p>\n Raul Pi\u00f1a, a retired educator, witnessed the fear caused by Arpaio\u2019s raids in his Latino-majority school district and surrounding neighborhoods in Maryvale. He has for the past decade served on the court-mandated Community Advisory Board, tasked with relaying to the Maricopa County Sheriff\u2019s Office any community concerns about policing that may violate the court orders.<\/p>\n Pi\u00f1a says the department hasn\u2019t done enough to regain the trust of Latino residents and its deputies continue targeting Latinos disproportionately. He worries that without court oversight, the department will backslide on policing based on skin color.<\/p>\n \u201cI strongly believe that the only thing holding MCSO back from a very public and enthusiastic participation in workplace raids and other forms of anti-immigrant practices \u2014 the only thing holding them back \u2014 is Melendres,\u201d he said.<\/p>\n David Redpath, research director for the Maricopa County Sheriff\u2019s Office\u2019s Court Implementation Division, discusses data on traffic stops during a town hall meeting.<\/span><\/p>\n Nationwide, ICE now has more than a thousand 287(g) agreements with local law enforcement. Half are task force agreements like the one Arpaio deployed.<\/p>\n In May, the Tennessee Highway Patrol was carrying out a task force operation in Nashville when troopers pulled over Edgardo David Campos, who had just left a vigil at his church. Campos pulled into a gas station south of the airport, where a swarm of uniformed and plainclothes immigration officers wearing green vests with the word \u201cpolice\u201d on the back surrounded his car. One began to pull him out of his vehicle, a video of the incident shows, drawing the attention of people nearby, including Dinora Romero. She grabbed her phone and began to record.<\/p>\n \u201cSi se lo llevan, no diga nada,\u201d Romero yelled. (\u201cIf they take you, don\u2019t say anything.\u201d) <\/p>\n ICE touted the Nashville operation as a success, even though the agency\u2019s data showed more than half the nearly 200 people arrested had no criminal record.<\/p>\n Advocates accused ICE and the Highway Patrol of using race and ethnicity to target drivers in Nashville\u2019s Latino and immigrant neighborhoods. One in four residents of the neighborhood where Campos was stopped is Latino. In August, the Tennessee Immigrant and Refugee Rights Coalition filed a lawsuit against the Highway Patrol seeking access to public records about the May sweeps.<\/p>\n Attorneys for the state argued in court that releasing those records would endanger officers. The Highway Patrol and state attorney general did not respond to requests for comment.<\/p>\n With enforcement expanding, U.S. citizens have been wrongfully detained recently, like Nieto Jr. and Meraz were in 2008. In May, an 18-year-old Latino citizen recorded his arrest during an operation by the Florida Highway Patrol and Border Patrol targeting landscapers in West Palm Beach under a 287(g) agreement. He was released after six hours.<\/p>\n In a statement, DHS said the teen \u201cwas part of a group of illegal aliens that resisted arrest during a traffic stop.\u201d The Florida Highway Patrol said he \u201cinterfered\u201d with a lawful investigation and was charged with obstruction. State prosecutors declined to pursue the charge, citing \u201cinsufficient evidence.\u201d<\/p>\n The Trump administration is trying to enlist even more local officers to help ICE and is offering financial incentives for departments that participate in the 287(g) program. Starting this month, the federal government will pay the salaries of officers certified under 287(g) agreements and offer \u201cperformance awards\u201d of up to $1,000 for helping ICE with arrests and deportations.<\/p>\n Meanwhile, the Trump administration has gutted federal offices that investigate police misconduct and civil rights violations.<\/p>\n Advocates say some of the tactics used by local and federal officers to target Latinos in Trump\u2019s deportation effort draw from Arpaio\u2019s playbook.<\/p>\n Raul Pi\u00f1a serves on a court-mandated community advisory board tasked with relaying to the sheriff\u2019s office any residents\u2019 concerns about policing that may violate the court\u2019s orders. He said he is worried that without the oversight required by a settlement order, the department will backslide.<\/span><\/p>\n \u201cThe model was Maricopa County,\u201d said Pi\u00f1a, the advisory board member in the Maricopa County lawsuit.<\/p>\n \u201cThe very public, very humiliating, demoralizing approach to the raids, and the cruelty \u2014 more than just the images in the television that were humiliating, it was the cruelty \u2014 and the violent apprehension of people in front of children,\u201d Pi\u00f1a added. \u201cAll of those behaviors. All of those tactics. They stem from Maricopa County.\u201d<\/p>\n Arpaio said he did not want to take credit for the Trump administration\u2019s work but was proud that deputies under his command were among the first local officers to help ICE make immigration arrests.<\/p>\n In Florida, which has more departments with 287(g) agreements than any other state, Republican Gov. Ron DeSantis has spent $245 million to set up a temporary detention center nicknamed Alligator Alcatraz. There, migrants are housed in chain-link cells inside tents. Some have compared it to Arpaio\u2019s \u201cTent City,\u201d where prisoners were held outdoors in sweltering desert temperatures. (It closed after Arpaio lost reelection in 2016.)<\/p>\n In California, federal agents have focused on Home Depot stores, arresting people in parking lots \u2014 echoing Arpaio\u2019s raids on day laborers. Maricopa County deputies, after getting 287(g) certified in 2007, carried out 11 immigration sweeps within five months outside a former furniture store in Phoenix that was a popular gathering spot for laborers. Snow noted that nearly everyone arrested there was Latino.<\/p>\n \u201cTrump is creating this complete culture of fear and terror in our community. And I think this is exactly what happened under Arpaio, with the workplace raids and the threat of deportation,\u201d said Christine Wee, lead attorney for American Civil Liberties Union of Arizona, which filed the lawsuit on behalf of Nieto Jr., Meraz and Melendres.<\/p>\n First image: The courtyard of then-Sheriff Joe Arpaio\u2019s \u201cTent City Jail.\u201d Some have compared a Florida detention center nicknamed \u201cAlligator Alcatraz\u201d to Arpaio\u2019s notorious jail, which closed after he left office. Second image: Maricopa County sheriff\u2019s deputies check the shoes of an individual arrested in an immigration sweep under Arpaio.<\/span><\/p>\n In July, a group that includes U.S. citizens, detained immigrants and advocacy groups sued the Trump administration, arguing that \u201cindiscriminate\u201d raids in Los Angeles targeted people with brown skin. A federal judge granted a temporary restraining order, barring immigration arrests based on race, speaking Spanish, type of employment or presence at a particular location.<\/p>\n But on Sept. 8, the Supreme Court stayed the order in a 6-3 vote. Justice Brett Kavanaugh was the lone conservative justice to explain his decision. He affirmed the government can use a combination of factors like race and language to establish reasonable suspicion that a person is in the country unlawfully during the operations in Los Angeles. \u201cTo be clear, apparent ethnicity alone cannot furnish reasonable suspicion; under this Court\u2019s case law regarding immigration stops, however, it can be a \u2018relevant factor,\u2019\u201d Kavanaugh wrote.<\/p>\n Even though the case continues, immigration advocates and the attorneys who filed the lawsuit said the court\u2019s action essentially legalized racial profiling.<\/p>\n Experts say that approach could filter down to local agencies partnering with ICE under the 287(g) program. \u201cWhen you have ICE relying on racial profiling and promoting it as an effective immigration enforcement strategy, you can expect state local governments that are working with ICE to use race immigration enforcement,\u201d said Johnson, the UC Davis law professor.<\/p>\n That idea was echoed in Justice Sonia Sotomayor\u2019s dissent to the ruling lifting the order in the Los Angeles case. She argued the decision makes all Latinos, including U.S. citizens, targets and \u201cimproperly shifts the burden onto an entire class of citizens to carry enough documentation to prove that they deserve to walk freely.\u201d Sotomayor added, \u201cThe Constitution does not permit the creation of such a second-class citizenship status.\u201d<\/p>\n Arpaio said he believes that had the Supreme Court rendered such a decision two decades ago, the Melendres lawsuit and the legal troubles that followed would not have happened.<\/p>\n \u201cI was vindicated by the Supreme Court,\u201d Arpaio said. \u201cEverything they went after me is legal.\u201d<\/p>\n Civil rights experts dispute that, noting that Arpaio\u2019s enforcement relied on race alone, which remains illegal.<\/p>\n Sheridan believes the department has made enough progress to end court oversight stemming from a racial profiling lawsuit.<\/span><\/p>\n As the Maricopa County Sheriff\u2019s Office struggles to fully implement the court-mandated reforms, elected officials are losing patience with the requirements and the costs.<\/p>\n By March, spending on the Melendres case and the implementation of its reforms had surpassed $300 million, the bulk of which \u2014 nearly $245 million \u2014 has gone to the sheriff\u2019s office.<\/p>\n Sheridan, the new sheriff, attributed those expenses to the creation of two divisions for implementing the settlement and the hiring of investigators to tackle the backlog of complaints against deputies. Thirty million dollars has gone to the monitor team since the monitor was appointed in 2013.<\/p>\n In 2024, the last full fiscal year for which data is available, the county spent more than $39 million on the settlement. \u201cThat\u2019s a recurring cost every year in perpetuity,\u201d Sheridan said. Or at least until the settlement ends.<\/p>\n But a report commissioned by Snow last year and published on Oct. 8 found that the sheriff\u2019s office had \u201cconsistently overstated\u201d costs attributed to compliance under the Melendres settlement.<\/p>\n Sheridan questioned the report, telling Phoenix talk radio station KTAR that its authors \u201cdon\u2019t have the expertise\u201d to audit a large government agency. He said his office will hire an independent accountant to dispute the findings. \u201cThere\u2019s no fraud here,\u201d he said.<\/p>\n The Republican majority on the county\u2019s Board of Supervisors is calling for an immediate end to court oversight.<\/p>\n \u201cWe just have to figure out a way to end this because it seems like it\u2019s never-ending because the judge, they put on a new order, they change things, they move the goalposts, and so we need to resolve this,\u201d Republican Supervisor Debbie Lesko, who represents communities policed by the sheriff\u2019s office, told Arizona Luminaria and ProPublica.<\/p>\n But the decision to end court oversight rests solely with Snow. During a recent hearing, the judge was clearly unhappy with a recent community meeting. The court-mandated meetings provide the plaintiffs \u2014 all Latino drivers in Maricopa County \u2014 a venue to get updates on progress toward reforms and to voice concerns to the sheriff and the monitor team.<\/p>\n At the July gathering, Sheridan\u2019s supporters packed the room and took control, shouting at speakers and interrupting the interpreter\u2019s translations of the discussion into Spanish. The mostly older, white group of Sheridan supporters demanded an end to court oversight, citing the costs. They outnumbered the Latino community members and activists who want to keep the monitor in place until the sheriff\u2019s office proves to Snow it no longer discriminates against Latinos.<\/p>\n Snow said he would host the next community meeting inside the federal courthouse in downtown Phoenix.<\/p>\n \n Arizona Police Agencies Were Once at the Forefront of Local Immigration Enforcement. Now Most Are Avoiding It.<\/strong>\n <\/p>\n Sheridan also wants out of the settlement. He believes the strict mandates hinder deputies\u2019 ability to do their jobs. \u201cThere\u2019s no law enforcement agency that I\u2019m aware of in this country under the same level of scrutiny,\u201d Sheridan said.<\/p>\n Latino advocates and community members worry complaints about the court mandates and the price tag will become an excuse, distracting from the root issue \u2014 the need to end racial profiling by the sheriff\u2019s office.<\/p>\n \u201cWhen Sheridan tells us that it\u2019s done, I\u2019m not going to take his word for it,\u201d said Reyes, who endured repeated traffic stops when Arpaio was sheriff. \u201cI\u2019m going to wait on the monitor. I\u2019m going to wait for the judge. And when they say, \u2018You know what? They are compliant.\u2019 Then I\u2019ll believe it. And even then, it\u2019s going to be suspicious.\u201d<\/p>\n Chelsea Curtis of Arizona Luminaria contributed reporting. Gabriel Sandoval of ProPublica contributed research.<\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":" This article was produced for ProPublica\u2019s Local Reporting Network in partnership with Arizona Luminaria. Sign up for Dispatches to get our stories in your inbox every week. Reporting Highlights Early Adopter: The Maricopa County Sheriff\u2019s Office was among the first agencies to participate in ICE\u2019s 287(g) program, which deputizes local officers to do immigration enforcement.<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":1,"featured_media":29503,"comment_status":"open","ping_status":"open","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"footnotes":""},"categories":[55],"tags":[4861,5867,4324,2081,2755,17419,4029,1551,247,3477],"class_list":{"0":"post-29502","1":"post","2":"type-post","3":"status-publish","4":"format-standard","5":"has-post-thumbnail","7":"category-social-issues","8":"tag-arizona","9":"tag-carrying","10":"tag-county","11":"tag-immigration","12":"tag-local","13":"tag-maricopa","14":"tag-model","15":"tag-police","16":"tag-propublica","17":"tag-raids"},"_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/naijaglobalnews.org\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/posts\/29502","targetHints":{"allow":["GET"]}}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/naijaglobalnews.org\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/naijaglobalnews.org\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/naijaglobalnews.org\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/users\/1"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/naijaglobalnews.org\/index.php?rest_route=%2Fwp%2Fv2%2Fcomments&post=29502"}],"version-history":[{"count":0,"href":"https:\/\/naijaglobalnews.org\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/posts\/29502\/revisions"}],"wp:featuredmedia":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/naijaglobalnews.org\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/media\/29503"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/naijaglobalnews.org\/index.php?rest_route=%2Fwp%2Fv2%2Fmedia&parent=29502"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/naijaglobalnews.org\/index.php?rest_route=%2Fwp%2Fv2%2Fcategories&post=29502"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/naijaglobalnews.org\/index.php?rest_route=%2Fwp%2Fv2%2Ftags&post=29502"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}
\n Credit: <\/span>
\n Jesse Rieser for ProPublica
\n <\/span><\/p>\n368 Paragraphs on Required Reforms<\/h3>\n
\n Credit: <\/span>
\n Obtained by ProPublica
\n <\/span><\/p>\n
\n Credit: <\/span>
\n Jesse Rieser for ProPublica
\n <\/span><\/p>\n\u201cThe Model Was Maricopa County\u201d<\/h3>\n
\n Credit: <\/span>
\n Jesse Rieser for ProPublica
\n <\/span><\/p>\n
\n Credit: <\/span>
\n First image: Charlie Riedel\/AP Photo. Second image: AP Photo\/Ross D. Franklin.
\n <\/span><\/p>\n
\n Credit: <\/span>
\n Jesse Rieser for ProPublica
\n <\/span><\/p>\n\u201cIt Seems Like It\u2019s Never-Ending\u201d<\/h3>\n